U.S. Rules Block Katrina Food Aid

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By Ceci Connolly

Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, October 14, 2005
 

In the early days of September, as military helicopters plucked desperate New Orleanians from rooftops and Red Cross shelters swelled with the displaced, nearly 400,000 packaged meals landed on a tarmac at Little Rock Air Force Base and were whisked by tractor-trailer to Louisiana.

But most of the $5.3 million worth of food never reached the victims of Hurricane Katrina. Instead, because of fears about mad cow disease and a long-standing ban on British beef, the rations routinely consumed by British soldiers have sat stacked in a warehouse in Arkansas for more than a month.

Now, with some of the food set to expire in early 2006 and U.S. taxpayers spending $16,000 a month to store the meals, the State Department is quickly and quietly looking for a needy country to take them.

In a disaster recovery effort that has been widely criticized as slow, inefficient and at times wasteful, the long and costly journey of the British rations is a tale of good intentions colliding with a cumbersome bureaucracy.

No fewer than six federal agencies or departments had a role in accepting, distributing and rejecting the food. Even now, there remains a disagreement within the Bush administration over which office shipped the meals to 14 locations in Louisiana and which is responsible for paying the mounting storage fees.

The Federal Emergency Management Agency, which oversees domestic disasters, “knew from e-mails the stuff was moving out there, but we never had control or said anything about it,” said spokesman Kim Pease. “It was under control of” the U.S. Agency for International Development, he said.

But USAID spokesman Kevin Sheridan said his agency simply provided logistic support, helping deliver to the Gulf Coast region foreign donations that were acquired by the State Department.

A spokesman for the British Embassy, citing diplomatic protocol in requesting anonymity, said he was puzzled by the turn of events.

“There was a specific request for emergency ration packs, and we responded to that,” he said. “We had no reason to believe there would be a problem.”

What is clear is that by late on Sept. 8, inspectors from the Agriculture Department halted the distribution because the packaged meals violated import laws that “no beef or poultry of any kind is accepted from Great Britain,” spokeswoman Terri Teuber said.

Since 1997, the United States has banned beef products from Britain and several other European countries that have been affected by bovine spongiform encephalopathy, known as mad cow disease. A degenerative disease of the central nervous system, BSE is fatal in cattle and can lead to a similar illness in humans called variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease.

“There was a careful review of the law to determine whether there was some flexibility, and at this point that has not been the case,” Teuber said.

At the same time, it appeared the urgent need for food had subsided as evacuees reached shelters and other locations with electricity and supplies, she said. “There is no question that different consideration would have been given to the situation if people were going hungry,” Teuber added.

The journey began early on Sept. 5, as the first packs, stacked six feet high and loaded onto pallets, left Brize Norton air base in Oxfordshire, England. Aboard chartered aircraft, they were flown 4,400 miles to Arkansas at a cost of $4.7 million, according to the British Embassy.

A wire service photographer documented the arrival that same day, one week after Katrina blew through the Gulf Coast, said Lt. Jon Quinlan, a base spokesman.

In a conference call Sept. 6, USDA officials learned that “food donations may be coming that needed inspection,” Teuber said. But confirmation didn’t reach them until Sept. 8, three days after the first shipment touched down.

As the rations rode 355 more miles to New Orleans, USDA inspectors hit the road — literally chasing the delivery trucks to shelters, the city’s downtown convention center and other locations where evacuees were found.

Severe flooding prevented inspectors from reaching four sites, and by the time they arrived at the 10 others, about 115,000 meal packs had been distributed. Some were vegetarian, satisfying the Food and Drug Administration, which has jurisdiction over nonmeat imports, spokeswoman Kimberly Rawlings said.

The others, with meat in them, should not have been handed out, Teuber said.

“We didn’t want to distribute food that’s not approved on a daily basis for American consumption to those impacted by the hurricanes,” she said.

The inspectors turned the trucks around for the return trip to Arkansas, where the meals remain.

State Department officials have considered sending the food to Guatemala, which was devastated by mudslides. But the impoverished country does not have vehicles to transport the enormous pallets. For cultural reasons, the meals would be inappropriate for Pakistani earthquake victims.

“Everyone wants a happy ending,” said a senior State Department official who requested anonymity, given the already bruised feelings in Britain. “No one wants them to go to waste. Everyone wants them to be put to good use.”

 

??2005?The Washington Post Company

ExpoGhana Exposure: Revelations Galore

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.. Owusu Afriyie is president of dodgy Millennium Africa Fund, accused of defaulting Exim Bank with implications for Ghana Accra, Sept. 6 (Chronicle) — WHISTLEBLOWER Mr. Paul Nimako has repeated his charge against Mr. Kwame Owusu Afriyie(pictured) and demanded investigation into his activities and possible prosecution.

Nimako, who used to be the president of a US-based company, Rainbow Foods International Corporation, undaunted by his shocking incarceration, reminiscent of the NDC era’s Republic v Tommy Thompson and 3 others case, insists on his allegations against Owusu Afriyie, who is the chairman of Allied Savings and Loans in Kumasi.

Mr. Owusu Afriyie, who is the Managing Director of Goldlink Travel and Tours also, is at the receiving end of the whistleblower’s spirited charges of using national resources to organize ‘Expos’ in both the United States and the United Kingdom, both of which have not posted any tangible returns to the country. One of these resources is a service passport, which Afriyie admits he has procured.

Incidentally, Mr. Owusu Afriyie is involved in another enterprise, Millennium Africa Fund, which has been scoffed at by Ghanaians in the US as a dodgy enterprise. The Ghana address of the MAF is listed as P.O. Box KNUST 663, Kumasi.

Speaking to this reporter inside the James Fort Prison, Nimako said he would follow the case to its logical conclusion, no matter the cost.

In follow-up telephone cross verifications, siblings of Nimako in US confirmed that they were aware that Owusu Afriyie was indebted to Nimako and wondered what kind of justice was operating in Ghana where a victim of fraud rather ended up in jail while the real offender walked. This, they contended was effectively gagging Nimako.

At the Dansoman police station, policemen who were interviewed by this reporter could not show any evidence of threats, which formed the basis of the prosecution and subsequent confinement by Mrs. Aikins of the Magistrate Court at Mantse Agbonaa.

The police had told this reporter that they were investigating a case of threat against Nimako, made by Owusu Afriyie and that Nimako had duly reported to the police station and leveled accusations against Afriyie.

Mr. Afriyie denied the accusation that his deliberate default in paying the sum of over $1 million facility from Exim Bank, had jeopardized the American credit bank’s relations with Ghana.

?Nimako knows that I have money and so he wants to siphon some money out of me, that is why he is doing all this,? was his reaction to the accusation.

In earlier petitions to the President, Nimako gave a carefully worded chronology of events leading to a long list of debts incurred by Owusu Afriyie and his ‘business cronies’ including sums in excess of $1.5 million to American Insurance giant CAN Insurance Company (USA) and a US credit guarantee bank, Exim-import bank.

Documents made available to The Chronicle show that the Afriyie-owned company, Goldlink Travel and Tours Ltd of Accra, borrowed $1,155,044 from the bank through an application made through All First Banks in Baltimore and guaranteed by the same Kwame Owusu Afriyie of Kumasi, Ghana. The loan was used for the purchase of buses. Exim Bank officials in Washington would not comment on the status of the loan when reached by phone nor confirm whether the loan that was granted some five years ago had been retired or not.

Nimako explained in his deposition that he had an agency agreement with Afriyie in which he brought twenty Ghanaian businesses for trade financing opportunity, using his connection in the US, built over the years.

‘They were also to submit to be qualified for a 100 percent international trade financing and revolving line of credit ranging from $50,000 to $300,000.00 each.’ The qualified exporters would use the facility to import any lawful goods of their choice with all expenses paid by Rainbow Foods (Nimako’s company).

Mr. Nimako claimed that after shipping goods ordered by the agents who were sent to Ghana, he requested shipping documents. ‘On payment due date, Mr. Kwame Owusu Afriyie and Daniel Kofi Duku were contacted. They never sent the payment after several demand notices.’ Mr. Nimako said at the time he came to Ghana, investigations established that the goods were never shipped, hence never in Ghana at any bonded warehouse as was ‘fraudulently represented by my agents, the suppliers and the importers.’

‘They charged my company a fee of $50,000 for agency, with $25,000 up-front (which I paid) and the balance to be paid after full payment had been received from their clients,? Nimako charged.

On his part, Nimako noted that he had triggered a first shipment valued at about $3 million to the various importers, including a shipload of sugar, with all documents routed through his agents, Owusu Afriyie and Duku.

Afriyie, who was initially responding to the allegations, later paused and called for the help of Mr. Paul Adom Otchere, a media practitioner of Citi FM morning show and Metro TV’s Good Evening Ghana fame, who admitted that he was the Public Relations officer of Owusu Afriyie.

Mr. Adom-Otchere helped him deny all the allegations, claiming they were being made by a frustrated and destitute person, who had sworn heaven and earth to puncture the credibility of the Expo and Owusu Afriyie.

In the presence of Mr. Otchere, he noted that Nimako was only peeved after several attempts to extort $200,000 from him had backfired.

According to him, he had lodged a formal complaint with the police CID for Nimako’s arrest since he had called and threatened him.

Meanwhile, though Owusu Afriyie has admitted being invited by Dr. Kwame Amoako Tuffuor to the president’s office with regard to the same allegations, following a copy of the petition sent to the Presidents’ office, when reached for confirmation, he did not confirm or deny whether the petition had been received by the president though Nimako insisted that he did send the petition across.

Election Dates And Electoral Reform

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Almost a year ago, Justice Aninakwa, a Tamale high court justice, declared the election of Mr. Samuel Nyimakan, NDC MP for the Wulensi Constituency, null and void. The declaration was in response to a petition, filed by Mr. Fuseini Zakaria, claiming that Nyimakan was not qualified to be elected an MP for Wulensi Constituency, since he was not resident in or hailed from the constituency, nor had he lived there for a total of five years in the 10 years immediately preceding the December 7, 2000 elections. In other words, the petitioner contended and the court agreed that Nimakan had failed to comply with article 94 (1.b) of the constitution.

As expected and immediately following this ruling, Nimakan asked the Court of Appeal for an order to set aside the entire judgement of the High Court and enter judgement in his favour. Mr. Nimakan contended that the High Court ruling was against the weight of evidence adduced, and that the decision by the trial judge that he does not hail from Kumboni in the Wulensi Constituency is not supported by any evidence.

To the best of my knowledge the appeal is still pending. In the mean time, Mr. Nimakan continues to serve as the MP. If the appeal court should uphold the trial court decision, irreparable damage would have been done to the people of Wulensi, our parliament and our whole system of government. Even if the appeal court sets aside the ruling of the high court, the continued uncertainty surrounding the Wulensi seat has done significant damage to all the parties and to our democracy. Why, one must ask, have the courts failed to act in a timely manner in a matter where timing is of the essence? The right to be an MP has a 4-year useful life and the courts have an important duty to ensure that every day of that useful life accrues only to the rightful occupant.

Alas, such an untenable state of affairs, driven by a judiciary system that appears oblivious of the adage “justice delayed is justice denied,” is hardly new. In 1997, George Amoo of the NPP won a court decision that, in essence, declared him the winner of the Ayawaso East parliamentary seat. In spite of the trial court decision, the case got stuck in the appellate process and was never resolved for Amoo to take his rightful place in parliament. The slow, nay impotent, judicial process enabled and ensured that the wrong person served as the MP for Ayawaso East for the full term and thus permanently tainted the second parliament of the fourth republic. At best, this is a stunning indictment of the courts that exist, as an arm of government, to protect the rights and institutions of our democracy!

Of course, it may well be that the courts have a “good” reason for these delays but that still begs the question of why we are yet to have a parliamentary hearing to understand the reasons for these costly delays and how the nation could avoid their recurrence. It is also not clear why the media fails to sustain interest in these matters that are of national importance. In preparing this article, I searched the archives of the leading newspapers on the internet, but was largely unsuccessful in finding any follow-up story on the Nimakan case. This is rather curious.

A few days to the 2000 elections, the electoral commissioner (EC) found himself scrambling to change the dates of the elections apparently because ‘Sheikh JJR’ did not like the idea that the originally scheduled date fell on one of his opponent’s birthday. Considerable debate also ensued on the propriety of holding the elections on a Muslim holiday. Finally, we witnessed the unacceptable and short transitional period between the 2000 presidential runoff and the presidential inauguration. We are yet to fully fathom the consequences of such a short transition.

Rather than wait for 2004 to confront the same issues, I call on the EC and parliament to proactively address these and similar issues in a manner that will allow for better future outcomes. In my opinion, all these problems can be addressed by having a fixed election schedule that delineates the election dates, contest periods, inauguration dates, etc.

I propose the following dates and schedule as a starting point for a national debate:

First Saturday in November: General Elections.

Tuesday 5PM after General Elections: All results and winners are declared.

Next Tuesday 5PM: Deadline for filing all contests (e.g., counting issues).

Second Tuesday in December: Deadline for courts to settle all disputes including appeals.

First Saturday in December: Presidential and other runoffs if needed.

First Saturday in January: Inauguration.

A similar schedule should also be provided by the EC setting forth dates for filing nominations as well as contests of the same. These dates, of course, will precede the general elections but will have a significant window for the electoral commissioner and the courts to resolves any issues bordering on eligibility of candidates.

One can see that if this proposal is adopted only the “Amoo” type cases will arise during the election contest period while the “Nimakan” type cases will be adjudicated before the elections. This will preclude the situation where voters elect a candidate only for their decision to be set aside by the courts on grounds that the elected candidate was not eligible to contest. The wishes of the people, as expressed by their votes, should be respected and set aside rather sparingly. In any event, such a schedule will significantly reduce the probability of the wrong persons serving as our elected representatives with the concomitant cost of tainting our democratic institutions.

Another observation about the schedule is its tightness. The EC is given 3 days to declare all results. This implies that the EC must plan and coordinate his activities with this constraint in mind. Then, prior to the elections, he must present to parliament or other donors a budget that will allow him to organize the elections and declare the results within the statutory defined period. Excuses will not suffice and failure to meet the constraints should come with significant consequences, including replacing him with others who are better able to meet the deadlines. Similarly, under this schedule, the courts are not only empowered to adjudicate electoral disputes but are also asked to do so in a timely manner. The judicial service must plan for and emplace the logistics to meet these deadlines or be held accountable.

The final observation about the schedule is the call for the general elections in the first week in November. The rational for this will be to allow sufficient time to organize any runoffs and still have a decent window for a transition. Our constitution calls for a runoff whenever none of the presidential candidates gets a majority of the votes cast. The likelihood of such an outcome is reasonably possible and we must plan for this contingency in our election schedule. Having presidential elections on 12/28 and an inaugural on the following 1/6 is no way to run a country. In passing, let me note my preference for winning by a plurality as opposed to a majority. But that is a different matter for another day.

We tend to wait for the rains before we eat but we surely do not have to wait for 2004 before we can address these simple issues. Whatever we do or do not do we must never repeat the “Amoo” case, which has now become moot!

Source: ?Asare, Kwaku S.

Laxity, complacency responsible for recent spike in COVID-19 cases in Rwanda – health minister

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Laxity and complacency on observing COVID-19 preventive measures are reasons for the recent spike of infections in the country, Rwandan Minister of Health Daniel Ngamije said on Thursday.

Health directives must be strictly implemented or else more people will be infected, Ngamije warned citizens during a news program on national broadcaster Rwanda Television.

He emphasized that physical social distancing, frequent hands washing with soap or alcohol-based sanitizers, wearing face masks and limited movements are mandatory, adding that there is no compromise of the authorities in this regard.

“Within the next 30 days, if we don’t become strict in implementing these measures, we are at risk of losing about 25 people to COVID-19 in our country,” said Ngamije, adding that presently seven COVID-19 patients are critically ill.

Anastase Shyaka, Minister of Local Government, said in the same news program that strict action will be taken against those who show negligence on the preventive measures, which would lead to severe penalties including the closure of non-compliant businesses.

As of Wednesday, the central African nation reported 3,625 cases in total, with 1,810 recoveries and 15 deaths.

The ministers’ comments came after the Rwandan government tightened preventive measures against the COVID-19 on Wednesday, following an “unprecedented increase” of COVID-19 cases, related deaths and community transmission, particularly in the capital city Kigali.

According to a cabinet communique, the curfew hours is extended from previous 9 p.m. to 5 a.m. to current 7 p.m. to 5 a.m., and public transport between Kigali and the rest of the country is prohibited.

The cabinet also ordered public offices to keep not exceeding 30 percent of staff while private businesses to operate with not exceeding 50 percent of staff.

Malls and markets in Kigali were asked to operate at 50 percent of capacity with vendors working on a rotational basis.

The measures will be reviewed after 15 days upon a health assessment.